The Politics of Church Unification: Efforts to Reunify Utraquists and Rome in the 1520s.

In Friars, Nobles and Burghers – Sermons, Images and Prints: Studies of Culture and Society in Early-Modern Europe, In Memoriam István György Tóth, ed. Jaroslav Miller – László Kontler. Budapest: CEU Press, 2010. (in print)

An earlier version of a Hungarian article (Tárgyalások...), with an edition of a text of De origine bohemice heresis (a short Latin text about the Hussite heresy and the attempts to reconcile the Utraquists with Rome).

Medieval Research in the Czech Republic

In Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU, vol. 15, Fifteen Years of Medieval Studies in Central Europe, ed. Marianne Sághy. Budapest: Department of Medieval Studies, CEU, 2009, s. 213-219. (ISSN 1219-0616)

Tárgyalások az utraquisták egyesüléséről a római egyházzal. Kiegyezési politika (Negotiations for unification of the Utraquists with the Roman Church: Politics of reconciliation).

In Szentírás, Hagyomány, Reformáció. Teológia- és egyháztörténeti tanulmányok (Holy Scripture, tradition, reformation: studies in theology and church history), ed. Beatrix F. Romhányi – Gábor Kendeffy. Budapest: Gondolat Kiadó, 2009, s. 154–163. (ISBN 978-963-693-090-5)

In the later middle ages, one might speak about the politics of church unification. In the case of the kingdom of Bohemia, during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, politics and faith connected over the question of accepting the Utraquists, who emerged after the Hussite wars, into the general fold of the Catholic Church. This question occupied the minds of the kings, nobles, or even common people, as well as popes or papal diplomats who visited Central Europe. Attempts at Church unification appeared in Bohemia several times in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. I would like to go over the attempts, their conditions and context. The last serious attempt can be dated to the mid-twenties of the sixteenth century and is connected with two papal diplomats in Hungary and Central Europe.
There were more attempts of unification and reconciliation of the Hussites and the Roman church – first attempts date back to the Council of Basle, which after prolonged negotiations agreed on the Compactata, the compacts. Their main point was the agreement with the communion in both kinds (sub utraque specie). In following attempts of reconciliation the compacts, apart from other things like creating and confirming an archbishop of Prague, played central role. Always, the confirmation was set as a conditio sine qua non. Often papal legates or nuncios were involved in the negotiations, e.g. Orso Orsini or Pietro Isvalies.
In 1524–25 these negotiations started again with changed conditions. The rise of Lutheranism was taken into account as well as other internal struggles of the kingdom. Three most important elements were the social struggle in the cities, conflicts within the clergy (the two consistories) and the interests of the higher and lower nobility. All these might are represented in the negotiations of the 1520s, as well as personal interests of the people involved in the talks. The last significant fact was the role of the papal diplomats, Antonio Burgio, papal nuncio, and Lorenzo Campeggi, papal legate in Central Europe. The interests of the papal curia were represented by them – to draw the Utraquists to the side of Catholicism against the growing Lutheran reformation.
There is no doubt that the union of the two denominations or confessions was quite a difficult task in Europe that entered the confessional age. It was definitely not only a decision based on ecclesiastical and faith matters, but much more so on the political basis. The Utraquists and Catholics had lived together out of necessity, but still the official the official reconciliation of the Utraquists was a matter of international politics of the papacy. The unification of the Utraquists was not only connected to the international politics, now strongly influenced by the events in Germany, but also (and more importantly) it was linked with domestic political struggles as well as personal interests of all members of the estates.

Matthias Corvinus (Hunyadi) in Czech Historiography.

In Matthias and his legacy: Cultural and Political Encounters between East and West, ed. Attila Bárány – Attila Györkös. Debrecen: Department of History, University of Debrecen, 2009, s. 31–40. (Speculum Historiae Debreceniense 1. A Debreceni Egyetem Történelmi Intézete Kiadványai) (ISBN 978-963-473-276-1; ISSN 2060-9213)

Strážnice 1458: česko-uherská jednání (Strážnice 1458: Czech-Hungarian negotiations).

In Okolo Strážnice (About Strážnice). Sborník městského muzea ve Strážnici 2009, red. Ivo Vratislavský. Strážnice: Muzejní a vlastivědný spolek, 2009, s. 35–46.

Papežský legát Marco Barbo, angelus pacis střední Evropy (Papal legate Marco Barbo: angelus pacis of Central Europe).

In Rituál smíření. Konflikt a jeho řešení ve středověku. Sborník příspěvků z konference konané ve dnech 31. května – 1. června 2007 v Brně, ed. Martin Nodl – Martin Wihoda. Brno: Matice moravská, 2008, s. 159–171. (ISBN 978-80-86488-48-6)

Various types of the representation of the popes in the middle ages started quite early. From the mid-eleventh century, however, the system of papal legates started to expand substantially; the system of papal representation developed basically between the mid-eleventh and the thirteenth century, when it was finally grounded in the canon law. The system would differ between legatus a latere (de latere), who must have been cardinal and other ranks of papal representatives. In the later middle ages there were mostly non-cardinals who, however, had substantial faculties, usually named as nuncius cum potestate legati de latere, or even lower rank of nuncius, nuncius et orator, nuncius et commissarius etc. The system changed completely only during the sixteenth century. During the fourteenth century the role of the papal diplomacy changed as well. The pope wanted to become an arbiter in international conflicts and since the Avignon papacy it was a “spiritual duty” to organize peace; the papal legates were thus often called angeli pacis.
Central Europe in the later middle ages was in the centre of interest of the papal diplomacy for a few reasons: the Hussite wars, the Turkish wars and various attempts to bring local rulers to peace. Concerning the Czech lands, the papal legates would at the start rather organize the crusades and fight against the heretics. However, in mid-fifteenth century, the papal representatives started to come to Central Europe as peacemakers as well. First, they were trying to organize crusades against the Turks (and for this peace between Christian princes was needed) and later organizing peace in Austria or between the Roman Emperor Frederick III and Hungarian King Matthias Corvinus. Still, however, the fight against the heretics was very much supported, especially by Pope Paul II.
Right from the beginning of the pontificate of Sixtus IV the situation changed. A new papal legate, Marco Barbo, was sent to Central Europe to conclude peace between the kings – Matthias Corvinus, king of Hungary and Casimir IV, king of Poland, who supported the claims of his son Wladislas II to the kingdom of Bohemia. The legation was one huge and long ritual based on the Roman ceremonial of the popes and cardinals. All the actions of the legate were formalized according to the ceremonial. The legation started in Rome with electing the legate and his taking leave from the City to go to the partes. Right after he left Rome, he was supposed to represent pope directly: wear read, bless the people, had a cross carried in front of him etc. Similarly, the procedure when the legate was coming back was highly formalized and ritualized.
In the case of Marco Barbo, a few descriptions of his entering the principal cities of the provinces where he was sent are preserved. In these the influence of the Roman ceremonial are traceable as well. Celebrating solemn masses, giving out indulgences, visiting churches and rejecting most of the presents are only a few requirements on the legate in the lands of his legation. He was, however, most importantly a diplomat with his political task. Marco Barbo was unable to complete his mission. It was only after he left Central Europe when the princes concluded an armistice and six years afterwards when they finally signed the peace treaty: in Olomouc in 1479. Nevertheless, the legation of Marco Barbo may be understood as a ceremonial or even a ritual that was supposed to lead towards the reconciliation of the kings. The whole journey of the legate could also contribute to the reconciliation of individuals with the church or their own conscience. Still, as angelus pacis Marco Barbo was trying to conclude peace: peace that had a double meaning because in the international politics of the period this was a peace that should lead to war – the crusade against the Ottoman Turks who were constantly threatening Christian Europe.

Itinerář Jana Filipce (1431–1509) (The itinerary of Jan Filipec).

In Sborník prací historických XXII. Acta Universitatis Palackianae Olomucensis, Facultas philosophica, Historica 34 – 2008. Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci, 2008, s. 17–43. (ISBN 978-80-244-1974-9; ISSN 0472-8947)

Itineraries in the Middle Ages are usually composed for kings or other rulers. However, in the fifteenth century the time comes, when there is material enough to create an itinerary for a non-sovereign personality. Jan Filipec, bishop of Várad (Oradea) was one of the most significant politicians and diplomats of the Hungarian and Czech king Matthias Corvinus in the second half of his reign in Hungary. Since the late 1460s he was active in the chancery of Matthias and since the second half of the 1470s he became and instrumental diplomat in Corvinus’ service. Due to his activity, he was bound to travel all around Europe. The itinerary might show the speed of his travelling as well as the swiftness of moves when trying to solve difficult political or diplomatic tasks. Most importantly, he made a journey to Italy to fetch the new Hungarian queen Beatrix of Aragon and a journey to the king of France to fetch Sultan Djem. Apart from these demanding diplomatic journeys, he was quite active in central Europe solving the tasks in the Czech lands, Germany, Poland and obviously Hungary.

Bohemians and Moravians in the Court of Matthias Corvinus.

In Matthias Corvinus, the King: Tradition and Renewal in the Hungarian Royal Court 1458–1490. Exhibition catalogue, ed. Péter Farbaky – Enikő Spekner – Katalin Szende – András Végh. Budapest: Budapest History Museum, 2008, s. 65–75. (ISBN 978-963-9340-69-5)

Csehek és morvák Mátyás király udvarában (Bohemians and Moravians in the court of Matthias Corvinus).

In Hunyadi Mátyás, a király: Hagyomány és megújulás a királyi udvarban 1458–1490. Kiállítási katalógus, ed. Péter Farbaky – Enikő Spekner – Katalin Szende – András Végh. Budapest: Budapesti Történeti Múzeum, 2008, s. 65–75. (ISBN 978-963-9340-68-8)

Hungarian translation of the previous article.

Služba Boskovických u Matyáše Korvína (The Boskovice lords in the service of Matthias Corvinus).

In Sborník prací historických XXI. Acta Universitatis Palackianae Olomucensis, Facultas philosophica, Historica 33 – 2007. Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci, 2007, s. 83–99. (ISBN 978-80-244-1721-9; ISSN 0472-8947)

The lords of Boskovice were one of the most significant noble families in Moravia in the fifteenth century and their conversion from Utraquism back to Catholicism in 1451 was decisive for their role in Moravian history. This event opened a possibility for Tas (Protasius) of Boskovice to become a bishop of Olomouc in 1457 and set out on a career similar to the career of Janus Pannonius, his Hungarian fellow student from Italy. Tas became a highly valued diplomat in the service of the Czech king George of Poděbrady; in 1467, however, he left this service due to the papal urging to support the Catholic side in the fight against the ‘heretical’ king. And it was he, who representing the Catholic estates invited the Hungarian king Matthias Corvinus to join the struggle and help the Catholics. Since that time, Tas was a foremost partisan and diplomat of the Hungarian and later Czech king, since Matthias was elected a king by the Czech Catholic estates.
It was not only Tas, who served king Matthias, but other members of the family too. A peculiar example of this is his nephew Jaroslav, who stood in for Tas as a governor of the Transylvanian bishopric in Alba Iulia. He later on served as a diplomat in Austria, Bohemia, and Poland and as the Czech chancellor of Matthias. Other diplomats in Matthias’ service of Boskovice family were Dobeš and Beneš, the two brothers of Tas, Václav, his cousin and his two sons, the afore-mentioned Jaroslav and Ladislav, who was the youngest of them all. The story of the Boskovice family shows very clearly the attitude Matthias had towards ‘new men’ in his administration; he had brought new people from his new domains. It, however, also illustrates the danger of it: they were not bound to him very closely and after a presumably unfair decapitation of Jaroslav in 1485 both Ladislav and Dobeš left the services of Matthias. The latter for the more changed sides and became a military commander of Frederick III in his fight against Matthias.

Morava a Matyáš Korvín (Moravia and Matthias Corvinus).

In Vládcové Moravy, ed. Jiří Mitáček. Brno: Moravské zemské muzeum, 2007, s. 99–111. (ISBN 978-80-7028-304-2)

Elfeledett források a mohácsi csatáról: Antonio Burgio pápai nuncius jelentései, és azok hadtörténeti jelentősége (The forgotten sources on the battle of Mohács: The reports of papal nuncio Antonio Burgio and their importance for military history).

Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 120, 2007, s. 603–621. (ISSN 0017-6540)

The Official Papal Policy towards Bohemia and Moravia in the 1460s and Its Relation to the Penitentiary Office: the Case of Olomouc.

In …et usque ad ultimum terrae: The Apostolic Penitentiary in Local Contexts, ed. Gerhard Jaritz – Torstein Jørgensen – Kirsi Salonen. Budapest: Central European University, Department of Medieval Studies & Central European University Press, Budapest, New York & Hungarian Academy, Rome, 2007, s. 123–129. (CEU Medievalia, vol. 10) (ISBN 978-963-7326-83-7; ISSN 1587-6470)

Die Schlacht bei Mohács: die böhmischen und vatikanischen Quellen.

In Maria von Ungarn (1505–1558): Eine Renaissancefürstin, ed. Martina Fuchs – Orsolya Réthelyi. Münster: Aschendorff, 2007, s. 103–112. (Geschichte in der Epoche Karls V., Bd. 8) (ISBN 978-3-402-06577-8)

Boskovice urai Mátyás király diplomáciai és politikai szolgálatában (The lords of Boskovice in the political and diplomatic service of Matthias Corvinus).

Századok 141, 2007, s. 375–389. (ISSN 0039-8098)

Spor o biskupství olomoucké v letech 1482–1497 (The disputed bishopric of Olomouc, 1482–1497).

Český časopis historický 105, 2007, s. 1–39. (ISSN 0862-6111)

In the second half of the fifteenth century the Bishopric of Olomouc was one of the two functioning bishoprics in the Czech lands (Wrocław in Silesia being the second one) where bishops were lawfully elected and tehn confirmed in Rome. Nevertheless, the office of the Moravian bishop was the subject of a dispute amongst candidates from several parties in teh period between the death of Bishop Tas (Prothasius) of Boskovice (1482) and the accession of Bishop Stanislav Thurzo (1497). The issue of succession of the bishops of Olomouc has often been inaccurately dealt with in literature. Yet, based on sources from both Olomouc and the Vatican, it is possible to reveal the obscure relationships which are crucial to understand the course and nature of the dispute.
At the beginning of the dispute the King of Hungary and Bohemia Matthias Corvinus influenced the voting fo the Olomouc Chapter (it exercised the right to elect bishops from 1207 onwards) and had his candidate Jan Filipec (1483?-90), bishop of Várad (Oradea), one of his outstanding diplomats, elected. However, this election caused problems in Rome; despite King Matthias' proclamations that he was able to enforce his choice at the Holy See. Neither Sixtus IV nor his successor Innocent VIII confirmed Filipec in the office (still during this period, he was the only one effectively governing the see).
All the subsequent candidates can be divided into several groups. John Vitéz the Younger (1487-89), Matthias' Roman orator, was a Hungarian prelate (he was the bishop of Szerém), like Filipec. Obviously, his appointment to Olomouc woudl have provided him with more significant status and increased income which were important for his diplomatic activities. The second group consists of the candidates of the local chapter - Bohuslav Hasištejnský of Lobkovice (elected in 1490 and 1493), the former Bishop Tas and Bishop Stanislav Thurzo. For these prelates the post of the Olomouc ordinary was (or would be) the final stage of their ecclesiastical careers. This post, on the other hand, was only one of the numerous benefices of the members of the last group of candidates and it was to contribute to their income (especially because the income of Italian bishoprics in general was much lower than the income of Olomouc). There were the curial prelates Cardinals Ardicino della Porta (1489-93) and Giovanni Borgia (Juan Borja; 1493-97), the nephew of Pope Alexander VI.
The dispute reveals three different tendencies in appointments of bishops in the later Middle Ages. The cathedral chapter continued to enforce its thirteenth-century right to elect the bishops, but the other two tendencies were much stronger. First, the ruler attempted to influence decision-making process and place their own people in the office (in the case of Olomouc, the bishopric involved strong influence in the Land offices); King Matthias was thus attempting to strengthen his influence in Moravia. The second trend was the attempt of the newly constituted papacy (after the crisis of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) to strengthen its rule over the Church, including the influence in partibus.

Declaratio brevis Corone immaculate virginis: A source for the late medieval popular piety.

Umění/Art 55, 2007, s. 40–44. (ISSN 0049-5123)

A set of four incunabula is deposited in the Research Library of Olomouc. One of them contains a handwritten page with the text Declaratio brevis Corone immaculate Virginis. In terms of its content, this text conforms to general religious trends in the 15th century in Central Europe. The late Middle Ages were characterised by a heightened spirituality and an emphasis on traditional objects of popular piety—first and foremost the Virgin Mary and the life of Christ. To a considerable degree, these trends were also supported by the mendicant orders. Marian piety and its expression in the rosary were spread through the influence of the Dominicans and the Minorites (and later the Franciscan-Observants). The Dominican rosary, which included 150 ‘Hail Marys’, was the most widespread, but other versions were also popular. Among the Franciscans of the 15th century, the most popular version was the one that was allegedly promoted by St Bernardino of Siena and St Giovanni of Capistrano. In this version, the number of angelic salutations referred to the lifespan of the Virgin Mary on earth: this rosary included 63 (or 70, 72, 73) ‘Hail Marys’. After the end of the Hussite revolution, the Franciscans also introduced the latest European trends to the Czech lands, in particular Moravia and Silesia. In these lands, the Utraquist influence was less pronounced than in Bohemia. Moravia, Silesia and Lusatia extricated themselves from international isolation much sooner than did Bohemia. European influences increased on account of the Catholic cities, as well as the conquest of Matthias Corvinus and the joining of these lands to his Hungarian Kingdom. In 1468, Corvinus visited Olomouc and on that occasion the Church of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary at the Franciscan monastery was consecrated. The wall painting from 1500 in this church depicts the Coronation of the Virgin Mary, along with two rows of depictions on the theme of the seven joys of the Virgin Mary and the seven effusions of the blood of Christ. A similar painting has been preserved in the Franciscan church in Wrocław, which includes a further five rows with other depictions. Nonetheless, these paintings are typologically similar. The fact that the paintings were widespread recalls the general trends of piety at the end of the Middle Ages, although one can find specific points in common between the Franciscans in Olomouc and in Wrocław (the Bishop and Franciscan Jan Filipec). The text, which is published as an addendum, describes a painting, which corresponds in detail to the depiction in Olomouc (except that in the painting there are 73 beads, whereas in the text there is mention of the 63 years of the Virgin Mary). This text explains how the painting should be perceived and interpreted from the perspective of popular piety. It demonstrates that such paintings were clearly even more widespread and in use, as one can see from the attached list of indulgences offered to the faithful who prayed the prayer of ‘the crown of the Virgin Mary’.

Jan Filipec v diplomatických službách Matyáše Korvína (Jan Filipec in the diplomatic service of Matthias Corvinus).

Časopis Matice moravské 125, 2006, s. 3–32. (ISSN 0323-052X)

Jan Filipec, born in Prostějov, Moravia, was one of the “new men” who were accepted in Matthias Corvinus’ services after he conquered some of the Czech lands. He was not of noble origin, neither had he any ecclesiastical standing. At first he worked as a scribe and a minor clerk in the royal chancery; gradually, he acquired church benefices (two provostships and later a bishopric in Várad (Oradea)) and became a more influential person in the court. The present article aims at describing the career and activity of Jan Filipec as a diplomat of Corvinus.
His activity in diplomacy started in 1476 when he, as elected bishop of Várad, travelled to Naples with a large delegation to fetch the future queen of Hungary, Beatrice of Aragon. Since then he was permanent member of Matthias’ diplomatic corps (just like many other Hungarian bishops and church dignitaries). He took up many missions in neighbouring countries – especially in the Czech lands, German states and Austria, but also far abroad. A crucial diplomatic mission was a delegation to Milan and France in 1487. He was supposed to bring Sultan Djem from France to Hungary, so that the king could use him in his fight against the Turks. This was, however, unsuccessful. In Milan, on the other hand, Filipec concluded a marriage between Bianca Maria Sforza, a niece of Lodovico “il Moro”, and John Corvinus, a natural son of Matthias. Towards the end of Matthias’ life Filipec was negotiating for peace in Austria with the Roman king Maximilian. After the death of the Hungarian king he was parleying about the new king. When Wladislas II (Vladislav, Ulászló) was elected, Filipec left all the ecclesiastical and worldly positions and became a Franciscan friar.
The diplomatic activity of Jan Filipec was still bound in the medieval understanding of the job, but some traces of modern development may be found. He, however, did not turn away from the common practice of the time. His position in the Hungarian diplomatic corps also quite clearly illustrates the stress that Matthias was putting in the “new men” and their abilities whatever their social origin was.

Italská politika, Matyáš Korvín a české země (Italian politics, Matthias Corvinus and the Czech lands).

Husitský Tábor 15, 2006, s. 149–175. (ISBN 80-86971-12-0)

The creation of the Italian league in 1454/55 entailed not only the relative peace and cooperation between the Italian states; it expanded outside the peninsula and with the various coalitions encompassed many other sovereigns. One of them was Matthias Corvinus, Hungarian and later Czech king, who at first successfully fought against the Turks and acquired support from Venice, but later on, especially from the late 1460s, joined the changing league of Milan, Naples, and Florence. He even concluded treaties and tried to acquire his new spouse from these states; he was finally successful and in 1476 married Beatrice of Aragon, daughter of the king of Naples.
In Venice in 1458 Matthias was celebrated as the new Hungarian king and he was expected to fight against the Turks, as his father János Hunyadi did. Matthias inherited the fame of his warrior father; the interests of Hungary and Venice in the Balkans were the same. It was, however, the age-old conflict between the two states in this area that never let them cooperate. Disputes for certain areas appeared (e.g. Krk), but the crucial problem was Matthias’ abandoning the fight at the south-eastern border of his kingdom. That is the reason why in the late 1460s the Venetians stopped supporting Matthias financially. It is also in Venice that sources are found which prove the disagreement of the Venetians with Matthias’ military campaign against the ‘heretical’ king George of Poděbrady. The Italians surely did not regard Czech King George as dangerous to Christendom as Sultan Mehmed II. It was not only the Venetian diplomacy that informed about the happenings in Central Europe – the Milanese duke gathered news as well. The most important information, however, did not refer to the Czech lands, but to Matthias fighting against Venice in the Adriatic and against the Turks. There were, however, events that ranked among the headlines. Most importantly, the news about Matthias’ death in 1471 that were, obviously, incorrect; and about the peace concluded between the Czech, Polish, and Hungarian kings (often referred to only as Polish-Hungarian peace) in 1478/79.
Other states were interested in Matthias and among the reports of the diplomats information about the Czech lands and partially about the Czech reign of Matthias can be found. The rulers of Naples and Ferrara (Beatrice’s sister was married to the duke of Ferrara) were related to the Hungarian king; thus they were well informed even about the meetings of Matthias with King Wladislas II (Vladislav). Milan, however, became involved in the central European politics to a much greater extent in the later 1480s. Matthias tried to marry his natural son John Corvinus to Bianca Maria Sforza, who should then, after John inherits the kingdom of Bohemia (and possibly also Hungary), become the queen. This, however, never happened, because Matthias failed to enforce the claims of John during his own lifetime.
Even though Matthias gained the title of the Czech king and was internationally recognised, he was most often looked at in Italy as the king of Hungary and the fighter against the Turks. Not only politicians and diplomats, but also humanists prove that Italians (with the exception of those associated with the papacy) were more interested in the closest enemy than a distant and spurious heretical country beyond the Alps. Even though they were not ignorant about the wars in the Czech lands their main interest was how to make Matthias serve their purpose and protect Italy.

Some Czechs in the Service of Matthias Corvinus.

In Morava viděna z vnějšku / Moravia from World Perspective: Výběr přednášek z 22. světového kongresu Československé společnosti pro vědy a umění, Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci, 26. června až 4. července 2004 / Selected Papers from the 22nd World Congress of Czechoslovak Society of Arts and Sciences, Palacký University, Olomouc, June 26 to July 4, 2004, vol. 1, ed. Tomáš Motlíček – Miloslav Rechcígl, Jr. Ostrava: Repronis, 2006, s. 238–245. (ISBN 80-7329-129-0)

Matyáš Korvín a moravská královská města (Matthias Corvinus and the Moravian royal towns).

In Korunní země v dějinách českého státu, sv. 2, Společné a rozdílné. Česká koruna v životě a vědomí jejích obyvatel ve 14.–17. století, ed. Lenka Bobková – Jana Konvičná. Praha: Albis international, 2005, s. 97–127. (ISBN 80-86971-07-4)

The Hungarian king Matthias Corvinus had been since 1468 fighting against the Czech king George of Poděbrady. With a crusade that was ordered by Pope Paul II he managed to gain some lands that pertained to the Czech kingdom, namely Moravia, Silesia, and Lusatia, and even be elected by the Czech nobles as a Czech king in 1469. The three provinces accepted the new king relatively heartily. He was then confirmed by the papal legate in 1471, confirmed by the Emperor in 1477, and finally he and his rival Vladislav II Jagellonian accepted their respective claims in 1478/79, Matthias securing the rule in Moravia, Silesia, Lusatia, Vladislav in Bohemia.
With Moravia, Matthias obviously got into his possession also the royal towns, namely Olomouc, Brno, Jihlava, Znojmo, Uherské Hradiště, and Uničov, the only six towns, which stayed in the royal chamber. The first four joined the fight against George of Poděbrady in 1467 and in 1468 together with the Catholic estates accepted the fighting Hungarian king as their leader. Since 1469 Matthias wielded power at them as their lawful lord, being able to take over the royal institutions (e.g. the institution of subcamerarius) and the royal control over the towns; he collected the taxes and in many lawsuits he was the ultimate source of justice. The other two towns being faithful to George and Vladislav got under the rule of Matthias only in 1479, after the peace treaty of Olomouc, they were exchanged for the two important towns on the side of Matthias in Bohemia, Plzeň and České Budějovice.
The analysis of the material kept in the town archives shows the multi-faceted relations of the towns and the new king. There is no question that since 1469, even though there were two Czech kings at the time and no official consensus was made, he was accepted by the four towns as their king. He could confirm their old privileges, but also demand support from them, especially the war supplies in the form of their own contingents or war material – weapons, including canons and guns. In a way he was administering the Moravian towns similarly as his Hungarian royal towns, only with the difference that the Moravians felt to be further away and thus safer from his demands and able to reject them in some cases. Towns also meant quite a stable source of money, which could be and was used for rewards for his servants who were often given pays in the towns in return to their service (not only politicians and warriors, but also for example a doctor from Olomouc was given 100 fl. of yearly pay in his town).
In the lawsuits and their solution it is possible to see the tendencies of Matthias’ reign. He usually let the Land Officials to be the judges in the problematic cases, however, there are cases when Matthias wants to decide himself and e.g. explicitly states that Jan Filipec, who held both the position in Moravia (bishop of Olomouc) and in Matthias’ court in Hungary (Czech chancellor, bishop of Várad (Oradea)), was to act not from the power of a Moravian lord, but from the power of his other position at the king.
The form of the correspondence also shows the changing attitude of Matthias towards the towns. First, almost all the charters are in Latin, sealed by the Hungarian seals; after his election, however, he writes most often in Czech (exceptionally in German or Latin) and seals his charters with the new Hungarian-Czech seal. We may conclude that the relations of the Moravian towns and the king were within the ordinary interaction between these two social institutions. Their dealings were, however, favourable to the towns, for there were no special harms done by the king as in the case of Wrocław; or at least they are not recorded. The relation functioned on mutual acceptance: the towns accepted Matthias as a king and he secured their privileges, for he needed them as centres of power, not having his own court in Moravia.

Evropská pouť prince Džema. Osmanský princ v osidlech diplomacie pozdního středověku (European wandering of Sultan Djem: The Ottoman Sultan in the snares of the late-medieval diplomacy).

Dějiny a současnost 27, č. 10, říjen 2005, s. 37–40. (ISSN 0418-5129)

Research Resources for Medievalists in the Czech Republic.

In Research Resources for Medievalists in East Central Europe. With the cooperation of several medievalists edited by Zsolt Hunyadi. Budapest and Toronto: Department of Medieval Studies, CEU and Center for Medieval Studies, University of Toronto, 2005, s. 37–46. (ISBN 963-86596-4-8)

Hungarian War with the Holy Roman Empire.

In Great Events in History: The Renaissance & Early Modern Era, 1454–1600, ed. Christina J. Moose. Pasadena, Cal.: Salem Press, 2005, s. 109–112. (ISBN 1-58765-214-5)

Čtyři Janové z Varadína (Four Johns of Várad).

In Evropa a Čechy na konci středověku. Sborník příspěvků věnovaných Františku Šmahelovi, ed. Eva Doležalová – Robert Novotný – Pavel Soukup. Praha: CMS, Filosofia, 2004, s. 269–280. (ISBN 80-7007-194-X)

There were four personalities associated with the court of Matthias Corvinus that were quite often confused, especially in the later historical literature. First, it was John Vitéz of Zredna, bishop of Várad and later the archbishop of Esztergom, who is sometimes called “the father of Hungarian humanism” and who was an instrumental figure in Hungarian external politics from the 1440s to 1471, the year of his abortive attempt to replace the Hungarian king with the Polish Prince Casimir. The other person was his nephew, the most-famous Renaissance poet born in medieval Hungary, Janus Pannonius, bishop of Pécs. He also participated in the conspiracy and died on flight in 1472. The other two people were not so famous, but still fairly prominent in Matthias’ service. It was John Filipec, bishop of Várad, who was native of Moravia and the most important representative of Matthias’ international politics in the 1480s; and lastly, John Vitéz the Younger, bishop of Sremska Mitrovica and later of Veszprém, another nephew of John Vitéz of Zredna, and most importantly Matthias’ orator in Rome.
The confusion in later literature was caused mainly by the fact, that the authors did not take into consideration all the four people and thus it was easy to confuse them, since they all had connection to Várad – the first was a canon and then the bishop, the second a canon, the third the bishop and the fourth the provost of Várad. Moreover, they are all Johns and all of them worked in the foreign politics of Matthias Corvinus. Most problems are caused by John Filipec who was very often confused with the other three, but mainly with John Vitéz of Zredna and John Vitéz the Younger. In addition, Filipec was sometimes given the name of Vitic (and names similar to Vitéz). It was surely due to the controversy over the bishopric of Olomouc (between Filipec and Vitéz the Younger) in the late 1480s that the other name of Filipec was introduced into the scholarship and it was done by the eighteenth and nineteenth century Moravian scholars, most likely by a Benedictine historian Magnoald Ziegelbauer.

Volba uherského krále po smrti Matyáše Korvína (The election of the King of Hungary after the death of Matthias Corvinus).

Dějiny a současnost 24, č. 3, 2002, s. 10–17. (ISSN 0418-5129)

Navigatio sancti Brendani a její postavení ve středověké literatuře: charakteristika a rozbor textu (Navigatio sancti Brendani and its position in medieval literature: characteristics and analysis of the text).

In Historie ‘98. Sborník prací celostátní studentské vědecké konference (Praha, 2.–3. 12. 1998), ed. Petr Čornej – Bohdan Zilynskyj. Praha: Scriptorium, 2000, s. 7–38. (ISBN 80-86197-15-8)

Navigatio sancti Brendani abbatis.

In Flores Scholarium. Sborník konference ve Šlapanicích u Brna 22.–23. 3. 1999, ed. Jana Nechutová – Drahomíra Baránková. Brno: Masarykova Univerzita, 1999, s. 47–56. (ISBN 80-210-2127-6)